Wadau wetu huko University of Bedfordshire Luton-UK
Toka kushoto ni Willa,Maggie,anayemfuata nimemsahau na mwisho ni Glory
Chegeni.Hongereni kwa kuturepresent huko.

NIRA YA UKOLONI:ILI TUENDELEE TUNAHITAJI MAPINDUZI YA KIUTAMADUNI NA KIFIKRA

NIRA YA UKOLONI: ILI TUENDELEE TUNAHITAJI MAPINDUZI YA KIUTAMADUNI NA KIFIKRA
Raphael Mgaya
Chuo Kikuu Cha Warwick, UINGEREZA
EMAIL: bjtweve2002@yahoo.com

Moja ya adhari kubwa za ukoloni ni kasumba yake ambayo bado initafuna Tanzania na Afrika kwa ujumla.Ukoloni ulikuwa ni mpango maalumu wa wazungu kumunyonya mwafrika kwa ajiri ya ustawi wa mataifa ya Ulaya lakini pia ilikuwa ni njia ya kumudumaza mwafrika ajione kama si binadamu kamili na ambaye ni duni akijilinganisha na mzungu aliyemtawala.Katika haya mambo mawili wakoloni walifanikiwa. Kusudio la kwanza la ukoloni, la kumunyonya muafrika bado linaendelea tena kwa kasi kubwa hasa zama hizi za utandawazi. Kusudio la pili, linajidhihilisha katika maisha ya kila siku ya mwafrika na hasa katika uendeshaji wa taasisi zote za jamii.Ukoloni, kwa mujibu wa Rhodes Cecil, moja ya mabeberu wakubwa wa Kiingereza wa karne ya kumi na tisa, ilikuwa ndiyo njia pekee ya kuepusha vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe Ulaya.


Ilifika wakati Ulaya ajira zilikuwa hakuna na njia pekee ilikuwa kutafuta maeneo nje ya Ulaya kwa ajiri ya kuinusuru Ulaya na hasira za watu wasio na ajira, waliojulikana kama “surplus population”. Kwa maneno mengine suruhu ya wasio na ajira Ulaya ilikuwa ni kuwatafutia maeneo ya kuishi nje ya Ulaya na pia kutafuta mali kwa njia ya masoko, ardhi na vibarua rahisi ktika bara la Afrika. Kwa maneno mengine huu ulikuwa ni mpango mzima wa kusafirisha migogoro ya Ulaya kwenda Afrika. Hili nalo wakoloni, walifanikisha, na bado wanaendelea kufanikisha. Migogoro yote mikubwa ya Afrika-kuanzia Rwanda, Burundi, DRC, Sudan,Kenya n.k, yote imesababishwa na ukoloni, ubeberu au ukoloni mamboleo. Madhara makubwa ya ukoloni, ambayo Tanzania na Afrika kwa ujumla haiwezi kuendelea pasipo utatuzi wake, yapo katika elimu, dini, utawala na utamaduni wetu. Nitajadiri kifupi kila kidokezo hapa chini.

Hii mada ya ukoloni na kasumba yake ni ndefu. Nitajadili kipengere kimoja kimoja katika mfululizo wa makala zangu.Katika makala hii nitaanza na kipengere cha elimu, namna ukoloni ulivyoua mfumo wetu wa elimu na kuanzisha mfumo wa elimu wa kikoloni ambao umeacha kasumba mbaya ambayo bado inalitafuna taifa na Afrika kwa ujumla.

Elimu yaweza kuwa ya namna mbili, elimu kombozi au elimu kandamizi. Lengo la elimu yenye mantiki ya kuitwa 'elimu' ni kumkomboa mwanadamu, kumupa uwezo wa kukabiliana na mazingira yake kwa ufanisi zaidi kuliko kipindi kilichopita. Aina hii ya elimu ni elimu kombozi. Elimu kandamizi ni elimu ambayo inalazimishwa katika jamii ya binadamu kwa ajiri ya kumpumbaza mwanadamu, kudumaza uwezo wake wa kufukiri na hatimaye kuua utu wake, abaki kama mnyama wa kutumika kuzalisha mali tu.Mfano wa elimu ya namna hii ilikuwa ni elimu ya kikoloni. Kabla ya kuingia ukoloni nchi nyingi za Afrika zilikuwa tayari na mifumo ya elimu, rasmi(formal) na isiyorasmi(informal).Kwa mtazamo wangu, elimu rasmi ni elimu ya darasani, ambayo ni nadharia zaidi kuliko vitendo. Wakati elimu isiyo rasmi, ni elimu ya nje ya darasani, ambayo ni ya vitendo na inatokana na uzoefu hivyo ni elimu mahsusi inayoendana na mazingira. Elimu ya vitendo mwanadamu anaanza kuipata mara akishazaliwa. Mtoto akizaliwa, anapolishwa tayari anajifunza namna ya kula. Vitendo au uzoefu ni kigezo kikubwa cha ukweli. Na elimu iliyojikita katika vitendo au uzoefu ni mahususi kuliko elimu iliyojikita katika nadharia. Nadharia inayotokana na uzoefu au vitendo ni makini kuliko nadharia inayotokana na fikra zilizofanyika kwenye kiti.



Tofauti na upotishwaji wa wakoloni, Afrika kabla ya ukoloni tulikuwa na mifumo yote ya elimu, rasmi na isiyorasmi. Mifumo hii yote ya elimu ilikuwa ni elimu kombozi.Tulikuwa hata na vyuo vikuu, kama Fezi(Morocco), Timbuktu(Mali) na Akhzar (Misri). Chuo cha Akzhar ni moja ya vyuo vikuu vya kwanza duniani. Wakoloni walipokuja Afrika kututawala walianzisha mfumo wa elimu wa kikoloni kwa lengo la kuwaanda watumwa wa ubeberu na ukoloni. Kwa namna nyingine walianzisha mfumo wa elimu uliyokuwa na lengo la kumpunguza Mwafrika abakie katika hali duni ambayo ingemfanya atawalike, afanyekazi za kitumwa na atumike kuzalisha mali kwa ajiri ya mabeberu.Mfano mzuri ulikuwa ni Afrika ya Kusini wakati wa serikali ya makaburu, mwafrika alipewa elimu ya kiasi cha kumuwezesha tu ajue jinsi ya kutunza bustani za wazungu na ajue jinsi ya kutumia mashine na mbinu za kuchimba madini.


Aina zote za elimu zilizokuwapo Tanzania na Afrika kabla ya ukoloni, zilivamiwa, zikakandamizwa na ziliitwa aidha za kishenzi au duni na hatimaye kuharibiwa. Elimu hii iliyosambaratiswa na wakoloni ilikuwa ni elimu mahususi iliyoibuliwa na kukua ili kukabili changamoto za jamii ya mwafrika kwa miaka mingi kadiri jamii ilivyokua. Na badala yake ikaanzishwa elimu ya kikoloni, ya kinyapara iliyojaa hadaa na majigambo na ambayo ilikuwa si mahususi kwa mazingira ya mwafrika zaidi ya kumudumaza na kumuandaa kama mtumwa. Aina hii ya elimu haipo hata katika nchi za mabeberu wenyewe, maana aina hii ya elimu si kombozi bali tumikishi, kandamizi!.

Elimu tuliyoachiwa na mkoloni imeadhiri na bado inandelea kuadhili maisha yetu ya kila siku, utendaji kazi wa taasisi za serikali na jamii. Ni aibu kwamba mpaka leo katika shule na vyuo vyetu mwanafunzi kumukosoa mwalimu akikosea ni jambo ambalo halipo katika Tanzania na Afrika. Hii ni kasumba ya kikoloni, ambao walitufundisha kuwa mwalimu (au mkoloni) kama 'Bwana mkubwa
hawezi kukosea. Hivyo kumkosoa bwana mkubwa ni kosa. Matokeo yake ni kuwa shule na vyuo vyetu vimekuwa kama taasisi za mahubiri ya dini kama misikiti na makanisa na wakati mwingine ni her taassisi za dini maana kuuliza maswali ni ruksa.Aina hii ya elimu inaua vipaji na ubunifu wa wanafunzi. Na hatimaye zinazalisha watu wasioweza kufikiri sawasawa na ndio maana tunapata viongozi ambao bado wanaamini kuwa sera bora za kuongoza taifa anazijua mzungu. Matokeo yake ni kuwa nchi inabaki kupokea sera kutoka nje, sera ambazo ni mbovu na ambazo haziendani na mazingira yetu ya kiuchumi na kijamii. Si ajabu kuwa watawala wetu, walioadhilika na kasumba hii ya ukoloni wanashindwa kabisa kubisha na kukataa sera na masharti ya kinyonyaji ya Benki ya dunia, Shirika la fedha la dunia na shirika la Biashara la Ulimwengu(WTO).

Nilipokuwa sekondari ya Ilula, Iringa niliwahi kumbishia darasani mwalimu wangu wa kiingereza kwa kuwa alikuja darasani bila kujiaandaa vizuri. Nilipotambua kuwa anatupotosha, nilipoteza subira kama kawaida yangu, nikamwambia mwalimu alichokuwa akisema hakikuwa cha kweli!Mwalimu alienda ofisini kulalamika, na hatimaye nikaitwa nikaambiwa sikutakiwa kumubishia mwalimu darasani bali nilitakiwa kumfuata baada ya darasa nikamueleze ofisini. Kesho yake nililazimishwa nikili mbele ya darasa! Sijilaumu kwa kitendo kile. Nilipofika katika Chuo hiki cha Warwick, nchini Uingereza (mkoloni wetu) nilishangaa sana. Siku ya kwanza tu, mimi na wana funzi wenzangu tuliambiwa kuwa hatutegemewi darasani kukaa kimya na kuksikiliza mwalimu anachosema, bali tunaruhusiwa kumubishia mwalimu na kutokukubaliana naye!Wanafunzi tunaruhusiwa kuibua midahalo darasani. Ndio namna wenzetu wanavyofundisha na kufundishwa huku. Si ajabu kuwa japo kiakili tupo sawa na wazungu, lakini wametuzidi katika ubunifu.

Nikikumbuka wakati nasoma sheria Chuo Kiuu Dar es Salaam naona aibu. Kabla sijafika chuo kiuu Dar es Salaam tayari tulishaelezwa kuwa mwanafunzi ukiuliza uliza sana maswali darasani au ukimbishia mwalimu utafelishwa!Si ajabu kuwa kuona kuwa mihadhara chuo cha Dar es Salaam haina mijadara mikali kama hapa Uingereza. Elimu inayotolewa Tanzania na Afrika inapaswa ikombolewe (decolonise), ili iwekombozi. Tunahitaji kufanya mapinduzi ya kiutamaduni na kifikra ili tuendelee. Katika mapinduzi hayo mapinduzi katika mfumo wetu mzima wa elimu ndiyo mapinduzi ya msing zaidi. Tunahitaji elimu kombozi, na siyo elimu kandamizi na tumikishi kama ilivyoleo.

dhana ya uchumi bora kutokana na maliasili ni potofu na iliyopitwa na wakati-ba

Hello Fungo!
I'm sorry but nadhani ni kweli balozi huyo alivyosema. the main objectve should be targeted towards education, kitu ambacho i deffer with her ni kwa eti mali asili haya leti mafanikio. Nchi kama Tanzania ina wajinga wengi ndo maana hatuendelei. Laiti kama wangepata elimu ya kutosha na moto wetu kuwa charity begins at home... tungekuwa mbali. Tazama nchi kama botswana... wanapenda nchi yao na pia wanaelimu ya kutosha kuhusiana na maendeleo ya nchi yao. What do they have really? hebu jiulize... ngo'me na almasi ndo vimewatoa kwenye umaskini! tujiulize b asi sisi tuna vitu vingapi? nadhani kama tungekuwa na akili za kutosha na elimu za maana tungekua mbali sana kwa tanzanite na reserve parks tu bila kumention almasi ama dhahabu ana hata samaki wa ziwa victoria ambao wanasoko sana huko nchi za watu. Sijawahi kuchangia mada hata siku moja ut hili swala ni sensitive bwana. Watanzania tunatawaliwa na ujinga uliokihiri la kukosa uzalendo. tupo tayari kupewa a small dot of the big cake na tukaridhika kabisa... jamani ni ujinga usio kifani.

hakuna ambacho muumba katunyima zaidi ya akili ya kufikiri na ujinga ambao tukidhamiria twaweza kuuondoka kwa kujielimisha. Tutaendelea ajabu!!

cheers!
Anna Abayo

dhana ya uchumi bora kutokana na maliasili ni potofu na iliyopitwa na wakati-ba

BALOZI wa Uholanzi nchini, Bw. Karel van Kesteren, amewataka Watanzania kuachana na dhana kwamba watachimba utajiri kutoka ardhini kupitia sekta ya madini.Akizungumza kwenye ufunguzi wa kongamano la mwaka la wasomi na watafiti nchini lililoandaliwa na Taasisi ya Utafiti na Tathmini ya Sera za Kuondoa Umasikini (REPOA), Dar es Salaam jana, Balozi huyo alisema dhana ya uchumi bora kutokana na maliasili ni potofu na iliyopitwa na wakati."Nadhani midahalo inayoendelea juu ya sekta ya madini, imetawaliwa na dhana potofu, kwamba mtachimba utajiri kutoka ardhini, badala ya kutengeneza utajiri," alisema Balozi huyo.Alitoa mfano wa nchi za Ulaya kama Ayalandi, Uswisi na Ufini na nchi ya Morisi, Afrika, ambazo hazikuwa na maliasili ya aina yoyote, lakini kwa kupitia dhana ya kutengeneza utajiri walipata mafanikio.Majira 3.4.2008

is this true?discuss

kilio na nyimbo za mafisadi

MAHOJIANO YA MWANYIKA NA KAMATI YA RICHMOND

Mwanyika mbele ya Kamati ya Richmond Mwandishi Wetu Februari 13, 2008 Raia MwemaMWISHONI mwa mwaka jana, Spika Samuel Sitta, aliunda Kamati Teule ya Bunge kuchunguza zabuni iliyotolewa kwa Kampuni ya Richmond Development ya kuzalisha umeme wa dharura. Kamati hiyo iliongozwa na Mbunge wa Kyela, Dk. Harisson Mwakyembe. Wajumbe wake walikuwa ni mbunge-CUF Habib Mnyaa na wabunge wa CCM: Stela Manyanya, Lucas Selelii na Herbert Mtangi. Raia Mwema wiki hii imefanikiwa kupata nakala ya mahojiano ya Kamati na mmoja wa mashahidi, Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, Johnson Mwanyika.

Mahojiano na mashahidi wengine yatachapishwa kwa kadri yatakavyopatikana.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Mheshimiwa (Mwanasheria Mkuu) AG, baada ya Richmond kuelekea kushindwa kutekeleza majukumu yake, TANESCO ilitoa default notice kwa Richmond, tunayo barua hapa. Tulitaka kujua ni nani aliyei-convince TANESCO isiendelee na intention (nia) yake ya kuvunja huo mkataba na badala yake kazi hiyo ikawa assigned (ikapelekwa) kwa Dowans.

Johnson Mwanyika: SijuiDk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Ofisi yako haikushiriki katika mchakato huo?Johnson Mwanyika: Sina habari hiyo.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Kifungu cha 15 (12) cha makataba ambao mlishiriki kuutengeneza kati ya Richmond na TANESCO, kinataka assignment yoyote ifanyike kwa mutual agreement kati ya TANESCO na Richmond; Je, ushiriki wenu katika hili ulikuwaje, maana ni suala la kisheria?

Johnson Mwanyika: Labda kwa sababu Ofisi yangu ni kubwa, mimi ni Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali lakini pia nina wakuu wa Idara. Kwenye sehemu kama hizo ambazo unazungumzia, kuna mkuu wa madai ambaye mara nyingi anashughulika na mambo kama hayo. Inawezekana kabisa labda Wizara ya Nishati iliomba ushauri kutoka Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu, inawezekana. Lakini mimi binafsi kama Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, kama Mwanyika, halikunifikia hilo.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Sasa unaweza kutusaidia afisa ambaye anaweza kuwa ame-handle masuala kama hayo ili aweze kuisaidia Kamati?

Johnson Mwanyika: Afisa ambaye anashughulikia masuala kama haya ya nishati katika ofisi yangu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu ni Chidowu.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Ambaye pia amekuja kwenye Kamati na masuala mengi alikuwa anakusukumia wewe, akisema utayajibu.Johnson Mwanyika: Kama lipi alinisukumia?

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Tutamrudia tena kwa sababu tulimwambia tukimhitaji tutamwita tena, awe tu na, kwanza una imani naye kubwa.Swali jingine ambalo pengine lilikufikia, ni masuala ya kisheria tu kwa sababu inaonekana mkataba huu umekuwa na maswali ambayo mengi yanatokana na udhaifu katika negotiation na vile vile katika drafting. TANESCO imeingia mkataba na kampuni inayoitwa Richmond Development Company LLC ya Marekani lakini Marekani hakuna kampuni ya aina hiyo. Sasa washauri wako, walishindwaje ku-notice kitu hicho? Sisi tumeshindwa kabisa kuipata kampuni inayoitwa Richmond Development Company LLC Houston, hakuna kabisa!

Johnson Mwanyika: Kama unavyofahamu, sisi tunaingia kwenye mambo ya mikataba much later, mambo ya kutafuta mtu yeyote ambaye wanaingia naye mkataba, ni juu ya procurement entity na ni juu ya Accounting Officer. Wakishamaliza mazungumzo na huyu mtu, ndiyo wanatuletea sisi barua kutueleza kwamba, kuna mambo kama haya ambayo yametendeka. Kwa hiyo, wanatushauri sisi tuweze kuwatayarishia mkataba. Kwa hiyo, whether or not kulikuwa na huyu Richmond LLC, watu ambao wanaweza kujua ni Wizara ya Nishati na Madini.

Stella Manyanya: Mheshimiwa mwenyekiti, mimi naomba unisaidie kidogo. Kwa sababu ya uelewa wangu mdogo wa sheria, napatwa na tatizo juu ya mipaka ya shughuli zetu katika Serikali kuhusu huyu Accounting Officer, ambaye pengine kiutaalamu, anaweza kuwa ni mtu wa aina tofauti kabisa na sheria na juu ya Mwanasheria ambaye nilifikiria ndiye wa msaada au consultant wa masuala ya kisheria katika department kama hizo. Sasa katika hili, unatuambia kwamba masuala yote yanayohusu utafiti wa kisheria, ambayo labda yangetumika kuweza kutambua kama hii kampuni iko kule au haiko, yalikuwa hayahusu kabisa kupata msaada kutoka kwa Mwanasheria wa Serikali?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, jibu langu ndiyo hilo kwamba sisi kazi yetu ni kutayarisha mikataba kama tutaombwa na wizara zinazohusika. Mazungumzo ya namna ya kumpata huyo mtu wanayetaka kuingia naye mkataba ni wizara yenyewe, ndiyo inayohusika. Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali kazi yake ni kushauri kisheria tu kama ataombwa na Wizara zinazohusika, lakini whether huyo mtu alikuwapo au hakuwapo ni juu ya hawa ambao walimtafuta wakampata, wao ndio wanaopaswa kujua kwamba yupo au hayupo, yupo wapi. Sisi wakati tukiangalia mkataba, tunaangalia capacity kutokana na maandishi yaliyoko pale.Je, huyu mtu ana capacity ya kuingia mkataba? Kama tukiridhika kwamba ana capacity ya kuingia ndiyo tunaendelea. Je, kuna muhtasari wa bodi yao kuzungumzia juu ya huo mkataba ambao tunapaswa sisi tutayarishe? Tukiona upo ndiyo tunaendelea na shughuli ya kutayarisha mkataba huo.

Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, katika suala hili ambalo mnalizingumzia sasa hivi, nilipozungumza na mtaalamu wangu ambaye alikuja kutoa ushahidi mbele yenu, alinihakikishia kwamba, vitu vyote hivi vilikuwapo. Kulikuwa na resolution ya bodi ya Richmond kuhusiana na mkataba huu, vitu vyote hivi waliviona.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Bahati mbaya, mtaalam tulikuwa naye hapa, tulijaribu hata kumwuliza, maana katika maelezo yake, moja ya sababu kubwa iliyofanya Richmond kupewa mkataba ni ushiriki katika hii zabuni, pamoja na kampuni popular inayoitwa Pratt and Whitney. Sasa tukasema kwa sababu Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, ndiyo advisor mkuu wa mambo ya sheria, ndio tukamwuliza yeye alihakikishaje kwamba Pratt and Whitney na Richmond wana uhusiano wa kisheria? Akatuonyesha mkataba fulani ambao ni ku-share information lakini wa kushirikiana katika ku-execute project yoyote, tukio ambalo ni weakness kubwa pengine hata katika ku-interpret huu mkataba wenyewe.

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti labda kwa sababu record zilizoko kule ofisini zinaonyesha wazi kwamba huyu Richmond pamoja na huyo Pratt, kuna mtu wao alihusika kabisa katika negotiation juu ya mkataba huu, watu wa Nishati wanamtaja kwa jina. Ukiangalia minutes za vikao vile ambavyo wamekaa kabla ya kuingia huu mkataba, zinaonyesha wazi kwamba kuna mtu wa hiyo kampuni ambaye alishiriki katika majadiliano.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Kwa nyaraka tulizonazo, huyu hakushiriki, kilichokuwapo ni business card feki tu.Johnson Mwanyika: Wakati fulani wanasema kulikuwa na video conference kati ya hiyo Negotiation Team na huyo Pratt huko Marekani. Ndivyo walivyosema, kufuatana na minutes zilizoko kwenye mafaili ofisi zetu.

Stella Manyanya: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, kwa kweli kama ulivyosema kwamba, mengi uli-delegate kwa watu ambao wangefanya, kwa hiyo, tunachohitaji kwako hasa ni kutaka kufahamu zaidi.Kwa mfano, nimeona mahali kuna abbreviation za RDEVCO ikiwa imesajiliwa kama kampuni na sehemu nyingine nikaona kuna kitu kinachoitwa Richmond Development Company LLC; je, ile abbreviation ni lazima iwe hiyo kama hakujawa na definition ambayo imeelezwa mahali popote pale?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti kama nilivyosema awali, katika negotiations kulikuwa na Kamati Maalum, ambayo iliteuliwa iliyoitwa Government Negotiation Team. Wao ndio walishiriki katika negotiations pamoja na huyo Richmond. Kwa hiyo, hao watu ndio wanaweza kujibu maswali yote haya ambayo mnaniuliza, lakini mimi as Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, mambo ya negotiation sikushiriki kabisa.

Herbert Mtangi: Mheshimiwa AG, tunakuomba utusaidie kwa sababu swali lililokuwa limeulizwa hapa ni la kutaka opinion yako wewe kama AG ili kuisaidia Kamati. Kwa mfano, tunafahamu TANESCO kama TANESCO ikiandikwa vile TANESCO ni kifupi cha Tanzania Electric Supply Company, lakini bila kupewa tafsiri ya shirt form hii, nikikuta mahali pameandikwa TANESCO na mahali pengine pameandikwa Tanzania Electrical Supply Company Limited, hivi kutakuwa na dosari nikisema hizi ni entities mbili tofauti

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, inategemea vitu vingi, inawezekana mtu ana makosa ya kuandika hivyo, lakini ambao wanaweza kujibu swali hilo vizuri ni watu wa Wizara ya Nishati na Madini, ambao ndio walihusika tangu mwanzo katika kushughulikia suala hili la kutafuta mwekezaji wa kutupatia jenereta kwa ajili ya kuzalisha umeme wakati ule wa dharura.

Herbert Mtangi: Ni kweli tunaweza tukajibiwa hilo na watu wa Wizara ya Nishati na Madini, lakini hapa nimekupa mfano wa TANESCO na kirefu cha TANESCO na hakuna mtu aliyetafsiri kwamba TANESCO ni kifupi cha hilo nililokupa wewe. Kama ungekuwa hujui ukweli wa Shirika la TANESCO na mtu akakuwekea hivyo, wewe kama Mwanasheria, ungetafsiri hiyo entinty moja au entities mbili?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, ndiyo sababu nasema kwamba inategemea, inawezekana mtu aliyeandika kwa kifupi alikosea.

Herbert Mtangi: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, jingine ni kwamba, hii Kamati imeundwa ndani ya Bunge na kwa bahati nzuri siku ile Spika anatamka, wewe kama AG ulikuwapo ndani ya Bunge. Kwa hiyo, unafahamu kuna mvutano katika mkataba wa Richmond unaozungumziwa hapa. Wewe kama AG, ambaye ndiye msimamizi mkuu katika kitengo kile, katika muda huo mfupi, umewahi kuusoma mkataba huu wa Richmond Development Corporation ambao ndiyo umeundiwa Tume?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mkataba huu niliupitia.

Herbert Mtangi: Kama umeupitia na wewe ni mtaalamu tena wa kubobea wa sheria, nini maoni yako katika mambo mawili; Je, unadhani Richmond ilishindwa kutekeleza mkataba au ilifanya uamuzi tu wa kawaida wa ku-assign kazi zake kwa Dowans?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, wakati mwingine unapoambiwa toa ushauri wa kisheria, huwa tunaandikiwa na tunaulizwa maswali ambayo tunatakiwa tuyajibu. Kwa hiyo, hili nitakalozungumza hapa, linatokana na ufahamu wangu kuhusu suala hilo.Ninavyofahamu ni kwamba, kulikuwa na masharti ambayo yalikuwa yamewekwa kwenye ule mkataba. Sharti mojawapo ni kwamba, lazima Serikali ifungune Letter of Credit ili kuwawezesha Richmond kuleta hiyo mitambo. Hilo lilileta matatizo kidogo, Serikali ilichukua muda kidogo kufungua Letter of Credit, kwa sababu ilishindwa, hilo siwezi kulielewa, watu wa Nishati ndiyo wanaweza kujua zaidi kuliko mimi lakini nadhani mpaka mwisho ile Letter of Credit ilikuwa haijafunguliwa. Walipochukua watu wa Dowans ndipo Letter of Credit ikafunguliwa na mambo ndiyo yakaanza kuendelea vizuri, hivyo ndivyo ninavyofahamu.

Mohamed Habib Juma Mnyaa: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti nashukuru. Mheshimiwa Mwanasheria Mkuu, kwa vile umesema mkataba umeusoma na kwa kuwa wewe ndiye Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, mara nyingi sana katika mikataba kunakuwa na kipengele cha definitions na interpretations. Sasa ikiwa katika Mkataba huu kuna definition ya abbreviation RDECO halafu ikitafsiriwa kwamba, RDEVCO ni Richmond Development Corporation wakati abbreviation hiyo katika definition and interpretation haimo; je, itakubalika kisheria kwamba, hiyo RDEVCO ndiyo Richmond?

Johnson Mwanyika: Labda unipe huo Mkataba niuangalie, nione mahali ambapo una-refer.

Mohamed Habib Juma Mnyaa: Mkataba huu unazungumzia agreement ya emergency between Tanzania Electrical Supply Company na Richmond Development, lakini kwenye definition and interpretations, mimi sijaona hiyo definition au interpretation ya RDEVCO. Nikija katika minutes, kuna kitu kimetajwa RDEVCO, sasa ikiwa katika interpretation na definition hakuna tafsiri; je, nichukulie hii RDEVCO kuwa ndiyo Richmond Development Company?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, lililokuwa referred kwenye minutes za vikao hivi, karibu watu wote waliohudhuria, mashirika waliyotoka yameandikwa in short form. Sasa tafsiri iliyotokana kwenye Mkataba ni kwa ajili ya mambo yaliyokuwa kwenye Mkataba wenyewe. Haya mambo yanayozungumzwa kwenye minutes ni minutes za kikao walichokaa hawa watalaamu wa haya mashirika ambayo yamekuwa represented kwenye kikao hiki.Ukiangalia hata watu wa TANESCO, haikuandikwa Tanzania Electrical Supply Company Limited imeandikwa TANESCO, watu wa CPI wameandikwa CPI, Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, wameandikwa AG, Benki Kuu wameandikwa Bank of Tanzania hawakuandikwa BoT, lakini hawa wengine ilikuwa ni short form ya makampuni wanayotoka.Sasa mimi kwa sababu nafahamu kwamba, huyu Gire ni mmoja wa wakurugenzi wa RDEVCO, nina hakika kwamba, iliyoandikwa RDEVCO ilikuwa ni hiyo kampuni inayozungumziwa kwenye mkataba. Hata ukiangalia kwenye Mkataba kwenye definition section, hakuna ambapo imeandikwa kwamba AG means what. Kwa haya yaliyozungumzwa hapa, mambo ya short form yalikuwa kwenye mikutano iliyofanyika wakati wa ku-negotiate huo mkataba.

Herbert Mtangi: Tukujazie hapo hapo, hebu tusaidie. Umeona Mkataba na minutes: Je, kwa utaalamu wako, kisheria minutes hizo zina form part of the contract?

Johnson Mwanyika: Inategemea watu walivyopatana, walivyoingia Mkataba walipatanaje kwamba hizi minutes ziwe sehemu ya Mkataba au namna gani. Kama walipatana kwamba ziwe sehemu ya Mkataba, inakuwa sehemu ya Mkataba na kama hawakupatana kuwa sehemu ya Mkataba haiwezi kuwa sehemu ya Mkataba. Maofisa ambao niliwatuma walisema kwamba, wakati wa ku-negotiate walikubaliana hizi minutes ziwe sehemu ya mkataba.

Herbert Mtangi: Je, hilo halikupaswa kuandikwa kwenye ule Mkataba wenyewe kwamba kuna minutes zitakuwa attached na zita-form part of the contract?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, ninavyofahamu, mara nyingi kuna mikataba mingine ya kuzungumza tu si lazima kila kitu mlichopatana kati yako wewe na mtu mwingine kiandikwe, vile vitu muhimu tu ndiyo vinavyoandikwa. Kama kwenye negotiations walikubaliana kwamba ile itakuwa part ya agreement ni kitu ambacho walipatana, basi.

Lucas Selelii: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, Mwanasheria anaposema kwamba vitu muhimu ndivyo vinavyoandikwa, hivi ndani ya minutes humo kuna vitu muhimu sana kama kumhusisha Pratt and Whitney kwenye Mkataba kati ya Richmond na Pratt and Whitney, lakini ndani ya Mkataba Pratt and Whitney wala hawatajwi kabisa; haoni hicho nacho ni muhimu ingeandikwa kwamba minutes hizi ni part ya Mkataba?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti inawezekana labda kulikuwa na upungufu huo, lakini ukweli ni kwamba, yule ofisa ambaye alikuja mbele yenu hapa yeye alisisitiza kwamba, walikubaliana hizi minutes ziwe sehemu ya mkataba na yeye katika utaalamu wake wa kisheria anasema, wakati mwingine ndivyo inavyokuwa si lazima uziandike kwenye mkataba, alivyoeleza yeye.

Stella Manyanya: Unafikiria ni kitu gani pengine kinaweza kikawa kimesababisha huyu mwenzetu wa upande wa pili, kujiita jina ambalo halijaandikishwa popote kisheria lakini wakati huo huo, hata hayo makubaliano unayosema ameingia na huyu Pratt and Whitney amejiita kwa jina lile ambalo ameandikishwa; huoni kama alikuwa anacheza mchezo fulani hivi?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, kama nilivyosema, mambo yote kuhusiana na huyo mtu kwamba alikuwa ni mtu gani, alitokea wapi, watu wa Nishati ndio wanaelewa vizuri zaidi. Ile timu ambayo ilizungumza na huyu mtu, ndiyo ingepaswa kujua huyu mtu alikosea wapi na ni nani na kwa sababu gani alitumia majina mawili tofauti.

Lucas Selelii: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, nataka niwarudishe nyuma kidogo. Pamoja na kwamba watu wa Nishati na Madini ndio wanajua zaidi, nadhani atakumbuka kwamba, wakati ule wa dharura yeye AG, Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Fedha na Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Madini, ndio walikuwa watu wa kwanza kupewa hili jukumu; haoni kwamba na yeye anahusika kwa kiwango kikubwa zaidi?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, kama nakumbuka vizuri, katika kikao cha Baraza la Mawaziri cha tarehe 10 Februari, kilichosemwa ni kwamba, watakaosimamia hili zoezi la kutafuta hawa wakandarasi ni Wizara ya Nishati na Madini, ambayo Katibu Mkuu wake atakuwa Mwenyekiti halafu kukawa na wajumbe kutoka Wizara ya Fedha na Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, lakini ofisi yangu ilishirikishwa wakati wa ku-negotiate. Wakati wa kumtafuta huyu mtu, ni maofisa wale wengine kutoka Wizara nyingine ndio waliohusika, Ofisi ya AG ilihusishwa tu wakati wa ku-negotiate huu Mkataba, huo ndio ukweli.

Lucas Selelii: Lakini hapo hapo, taarifa ambazo tunazo, Ofisi ya Mwanasheria haikutajwa zaidi ya AG na Mwenyekiti alikuwa Katibu wa Wizara ya Fedha, ambao baadaye walikuja kuunda hiyo Steering Committee ikaja ikaunda hao unaowasema. Sasa mimi ninamrejesha hapo mwanzoni, kama Baraza la Mawaziri liliona yeye ni mtu muhimu kuhusika na hili jambo; kwa nini wanajitoa mara kwa mara kwamba hawahusiki?

Johnson Mwanyika: Napenda kurudia kusema kwamba, Baraza la Mawaziri lilisema Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, ndiyo imesemwa hivyo si kwa kukosea. Kwa sababu kama nilivyosema, mimi ndiye kiongozi wa ile ofisi lakini wakati wa kutafuta ushauri wa kisheria, si lazima iletwe moja kwa moja kwangu, inapelekwa kwa Law Officers. Law Officer ni mwanasheria yeyote ambaye ana cheo kinachozidi cha Senior State Attorney. Kwa hiyo, wizara yoyote inaweza kuomba ushauri kutoka kwetu kwa watu wa aina hiyo.Kama nilivyosema, kwenye Ofisi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu pia kuna Idara na kuna mtu anayeshughulika na mambo ya Civil and International ni Mkurugenzi wa Civil and International. Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, anakutana na hivyo vitu wakati akicheki mafaili ambapo barua zilizoandikwa kwa wiki huwa humo, litapita kwangu nazicheki zote ndiyo najua mambo ambayo yanatendeka kwenye Wizara. Kiutendaji ni kwamba, wale Law Officers ndio ambao wanatoa ushauri kwa zile wizara, wakiomba kimaandishi kutoka kwenye wizara hizo.Inawezekana kweli kabisa labda kuna ofisa ambaye alihusishwa mwanzoni kabisa katika zoezi hilo, maana mimi ni Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, kuna Naibu Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali ambaye ndiye Katibu Mkuu, yawezekana kabisa kwamba, kwa sababu ilikuwa ni Makatibu Wakuu ndio walisimamia zoezi hilo, yawezekana kabisa Katibu Mkuu wakati ule ambaye ni Mheshimiwa Limbu, labda alihusishwa kwenye zoezi hili la kwanza kabisa. Mimi kama Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, niliteua mtu wakati wa ku-negotiate lakini tender ilikwendaje, watu wa Nishati ndio wanaojua zaidi.Mohamed

Habib Juma Mnyaa: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, itabidi format ya maswali ibadilike kutokana na majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali. Mimi ninalotaka kuuliza, nakuuliza kama Mwanasheria Mkuu; Mheshimiwa Mwanasheria Mkuu, Richmond ilikuja kwa sababu ya kuzalisha umeme wa dharura kwa kipindi ambacho Tanzania tulikuwa katika janga kubwa la kukosa umeme.Hivyo, ilitakiwa kuzalisha umeme katika kipindi cha miezi mitano, lakini ilishindwa badala yake imetumia miezi 16 hadi kutimiza zile megawatts 100. je, unaishauri nini Serikali ukizingatia kuwa, umuhimu ule wa dharura haupo tena na gharama Serikali ilizoingia ni mara mbili kwa umeme huu? Je, tuendelee nao tena kwa kipindi cha miaka miwii kuanzia Oktoba walipokamilisha au vipi? Unaishauri nini Serikali katika kipindi hiki ambapo udharura huo haupo tena?

Johnson Mwanyika: Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, tukio hilo linanipa matatizo kidogo kwa sababu hilo ni jambo ambalo linahitaji taaluma ya hao watu ambao wanahusika na mambo hayo. Ninavyofahamu, kuna Mkataba ambao Serikali iliingia na huyo Richmond ambao baadaye ulikuwa assigned kwa Dowans. Kwa hiyo, kama tulipatana kwamba huyu mtu alete mitambo hiyo akae kwa miaka miwili au mwaka mmoja, tukimwambia aondoke, tutakuwa tunavunja Mkataba ule.

Mohamed Habib Juma Mnyaa: Ikiwa pia tulikubaliana kwamba umeme wa dharura tunauhitaji kwa miezi mitano na hatukuupata kwa miezi mitano hii?

Johnson Mwanyika: Kama nilivyosema ni kwamba, yapo masharti yalikuwapo kwenye mkataba ambayo pia upande wa pili haukutekeleza na ndiyo sababu walishindwa kuleta hizi mashine mapema zaidi.

Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe: Waheshimiwa wabunge, nafikiri tumekaa kiasi cha kutosha na ratiba bado ni ndefu, naomba mniruhusu nichukue fursa hii kumshukuru Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, kwa kuitikia wito wetu na kuja ili tuweze kubadilishana mawazo. Tunakuomba basi huyo Afisa wako Chidowu kama ukipita pale, mtaarifu tu kwamba, tutamuhitaji tena ili tuweze kufanya final touches sehemu ambazo nadhani yeye alitegemea AG ndiye atakuja kuzijazajaza, lakini kumbe ulishampa authority yote na tutakushuru sana ukimtaarifu.

BARAZA JIPYA LA MAWAZIRI

1. WAZIRI OFISI YA RAIS (UTAWALA BORA SOFIA) SIMBA
2. WAZIRI OFISI YA RAIS (MENEJIMENTI YA UMMA) HAWA GHASIA
3. WIZARA OFISI YA MAKAMU WA RAIS (SHUGHULI ZA MUUNGANO) MOHAMED SEIF KHATIB4.
WIZARA YA UTALII NA MAZINGIRA DK. BATILDA BURIANI
5. WAZIRI OFISI YA MAKAMU WA RAIS (SERA NA URATIBU WA BUNGE) PHILIP MARMO
6. WIZARA YA TAWALA ZA MIKOA NA SERIKALI ZA MITAA STEVEN WASIRA
7. WIZARA YA FEDHA MUSTAFA MKURO NA MANAIBU NI JEREMIH SUMARI NA OMARI YUSUF MZEE
8. WIZARA YA AFYA PROFESA DAVID MWAKYUSA NAIBU NI AISHA KIGOD
9. WIZARA YA ARDHI JOHN CHILIGATI
10. ELIMU NA MAFUNZO YA UFUNDI PROFESA JUMANNE MAGHEMBE
NAIBU GAUDENSIA KABAKA, MWANTUMU MAHIZA
11. WIZARA YA SAYANSI NA TEKNOLOJIA SHUKURU KAWAMBA
NAIBU NI DK. MAUA DAFTRI
12. WIZARA YA MIUNDO MBINU ANDREW CHENGE
NAIBU DK. MAKONGORO MAHANGA
14. WIZARA YA UTAMADUNI NA MICHEZO GEORGE MKUCHIKA
NAIBU JOEL BENDERA
15. WIZARA YA KAZI NA AJIRA POFESA JUMA KAPUYA
NAIBU HEZEKIA CHIBULUNJE
16. WIZARA YA MAJI PROFESA MARK MWANDOSYA
NAIBU CHIZA
17. WIZARA YA KILIMO NA CHAKULA MATHAYO DAVID MATHAYO
18. WIZARA YA MENDELO YA JAMII, JINSIA NA WATOTO MARGARETH SITTA
NAIBU NI MAMA NKYA
19. WIZARA YA UVUVI NA MIFUGO JOHN POMBE MAGHUFULI NA MANAIBU NISHASMSA MWANGUGA NA EZEKIEL MAIGE
20. WIZARA YA MAMBO YA NDANI MH. MASHA
NAIBU NI HAMISI KAGASHEKI
21. WIZARA YA MAMBO YA NJE NI MEMBE NAIBU SEIF ALI IDDI
22. WILLIAM NGELEJA NAIBU ADAM MALIMA
23. WIZARA YA SHERIA MH. CHIKAWE
24. WIZARA YA ULINZI NA JESHI LA KUJENGA TAIFA DK. HUSSEIN MWINYI NAIBU NCHIMBI
25. WIZARA YA AFRIKA MASHARIKI DK. E. KAMALA
26. WIZARA YA BISHARA DK. MARY NAGU, NAIBU CYRIL CHAMI
Tutaendelea kuliupdate vizuri zaidi kwa sasa ni taarifa ya haraka

MIZENGO PINDA ATEULIWA WAZIRI MKUU

Rais Jakaya Kikwete amemteua Mhe. Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda Mbunge wa Mpanda Mashariki (CCM) kuwa Waziri Mkuu mpya kuchukua nafasi iliyoachwa wazi kufuatia kujiuzulu kwa aliyekuwa Waziri Mkuu Bw. Edward Lowassa aliyejiuzulu jana baada ya kuhusishwa na kashfa ya Richmond.
Jina la Mhe. Pinda lilitangazwa Bungeni na Spika wa Jamhuri ya Muungano Mhe. Samuel Sitta mara baadaya kufungua bahasha iliyokuwa na jina hilo. Mara baada ya spika kutaja jina la Waziri Mkuu huyo mteule ukumbi wa Bunge umelipuka kwa kushangilia.
Mhe. Pinda alizaliwa mwaka 1948 huko Mpanda na baada ya elimu ya awali aliendelea na kupata shahada ya sheria toka Chuo Kikuu cha Dar-es-Salaam. Baadhi ya nyadhifa alizowahi kushika ni pamoja na kuwa Ofisa Usalama wa Taifa, Mwanasheria wa Serikali, Katibu Msaidizi wa Rais na Katibu wa Baraza la Mawaziri.
Kabla ya wadhifa wake huo Mpya, Bw. Pinda alikuwa ni Waziri wa Nchi Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu anayeshughulikia Tawala za Mikoa na Serikali za Mitaa (TAMISEMI). Uchaguzi wa Mhe. Pinda unaonesha kuwa Rais Kikwete ameamua kwenda na chaguo salama zaidi hasa kwa vile Mhe. Pinda alikuwa chini ya Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu aliyejiuzulu kufuatia kashfa ya Richmond.
Bado haijajulikana mwitikio wa wananchi na wachambuzi ya mambo ya kisiasa kuhusu uteuzi huo wa Bw. Pinda. Hata hivyo inatarajiwa kuwa Mhe. Pinda ataweza kufanya kile ambacho Mhe. Lowassa alishindwa.
KLH News inamtakia kila la kheri Mhe. Pinda katika wajibu wake huo mkubwa katika kuitumikia nchi yetu.

LOWASSA AJIUZULU

Waziri Mkuu Lowassa ajiuzulu juu ya kashfa

"Nimeamua kumwandikia Rais barua ya kumwomba niachie ngazi."
Sikiliza Leo Afrika

Waziri Mkuu wa Tanzania Edward Lowassa amejiuzulu baada ya kulaumiwa na kamati ya bunge iliyochunguza kashfa ya ufisadi mkubwa katika utolewaji zabuni ya umeme wa dharura.
Akitangaza hatua yake katika bunge Alhamis asubuhi, Bwana Lowassa alisema: "Nimetafakari sana kwa niaba ya chama changu, kwa niaba ya serikali yangu, nimeamua kumwandikia Rais barua ya kumuomba niachie ngazi."
Hatua ya kujiuzulu
ninafanya hivyo kwa moyo mweupe kabisa

Waziri Mkuu Lowassa
Bwana Lowassa aliteta kwamba kamati teule ya bunge iliyomhusisha na kashfa ya Richmond ilimnyima haki ya kujieleza.
Alisema alikuwa ametafakari kwa makini kuhusu shutuma hizo na kufikia uamuzi kwamba, "tatizo ni uaziri mkuu."
"Kwamba ionenekane Waziri Mkuu ndiye amefanya haya, tumwondolee heshima au tumwajibishe."
Akielezea hatua yake ya kujiuzulu, Bwana Lowassa aliongeza "ninafanya hivyo kwa moyo mweupe kabisa ili kuonyesha dhana ya uajibikaji na pia kutokukubaliana na utaratibu uliotumika kusema uongo ndani ya bunge kwa kumsingizia mtu."
Nguvu kubwa
Zabuni hiyo ilipewa kampuni ya Richmond Development group yenye makao yake nchini Marekani.
Kamati teule ya bunge kwenye ripoti yake iliyowasilishwa hapo Jumatano, ilipendekeza kujiuzulu au kuchukuliwa hatua kali kwa wahusika.
Ripoti hiyo iliwasilishwa bunge na Mwenyekiti wa kamati hiyo teule, Harrison Mwakyembe.
Kuhusu Waziri Mkuu, ripoti hiyo inasema: "Uamuzi wa serikali kuizuia Tanesco ( Shirika la umeme Tanzania) isivunje mkataba na kampuni hiyo licha ya sababu zote za kisheria kuwepo ni baadhi tu ya viashiria vya nguvu kubwa iliyojuu ya wizara ya nishati na madini."
Waziri Mkuu akosolewa
Kutokana na ushahidi wa kimaandishi, kimazingira na wa kimdomo inaiona nguvu hiyo kuwa ni Waziri Mkuu

Kamati teule ya bunge
"Kutokana na ushahidi wa kimaandishi, kimazingira na wa kimdomo inaiona nguvu hiyo kuwa ni Waziri Mkuu."
Kikatiba ndiye mwenye madaraka ya juu ya udhibiti, usimamiaji na utekelezaji wa siku hadi siku wa kazi na shughuli za serikali.
Yeye pia ndiye kiongozi wa shughuli za serikali bungeni.
"Kamati teule haikufurahishwa hata kidogo na taarifa hizo zinazomgusa moja kwa moja Mheshimiwa Waziri Mkuu katika kuipendelea Richmond."
Ubadhirifu na rushwa
Mawaziri wengine walioshutumiwa katika ripoti hiyo ni yule anayehusika na nishati na madini, Nazir Karamagi, mtangulizi wake Dr. Ibrahim Msabaha ambaye sasa ni Waziri wa Ushirikiano wa Afrika Mashariki.
Taasisi ya kuzuia na kupambana na rushwa takukuru, ilikuwa motoni kwa kutoa maelezo ya uongo kwa kamati hiyo.
Serikali ya Rais Kikwete imeahidi kupambana na rushwa
Mbunge Mwakyembe alisema kamati yake ilitaka kuweka wazi kwamba mchakato wa zabuni ya kuzalisha nguvu za umeme kwa dharura wa megawati 100 ulighubikwa na vitendo vya ukiukwaji taratibu, kanuni na sheria za nchi."
"Na hivyo kujenga kiwingu cha mashaka ya upendeleo, ubadhirifu na rushwa ambavyo vimechangia kumwongezea mwananchi mzigo wa gharama za umeme."
Takukuru yashutumiwa
Taifa lilikuwa limetumbukizwa kwenye hasara kubwa kutokana na mkataba huo wa Richmond kinyume na taarifa iliyotolewa na Takukuru (taasisi ya Kuzuia na Kupambana na Rushwa).
Uongo wa Richmond
Kwa nini kamati ya wataalamu haikuihoji Richmond kuhusu uongo huo bayana?

Kamati teule ya bunge
Ilishutumiwa kwa kujiharibia sifa yenyewe baada ya kutoa ushahidi wa uongo ikisema mchakato wa zabuni hiyo ulikuwa wazi, shirikishi na ulizingatia kanuni na kwamba dosari zilizojitokeza hazikuhitimu kuiletea taifa hasara.
"Taarifa hiyo imemong'onyoa kwa kiasi kikubwa hadhi na heshima ya chombo hiki muhimu cha kitaifa kilichopewa dhamana ya kupambana na rushwa na siyo kuipamba ili kurejesha heshima ya umma katika taasisi hiyo."
Richmond ilidai kuwa na miradi mikubwa Tanzania
Kamati hiyo ilipendekeza mabadiliko ya haraka ya uongozi wa taasisi hiyo.
Mbunge Harrison alisema kwenye tovuti yake, kampuni ya Richmond "ilikuwa inajitangaza kimataifa kipindi hicho kuwa kampuni yenye miradi mikubwa Tanzania ya ujenzi wa kiwanja cha kisasa cha michezo, ujenzi wa bomba la mafuta la kilomita 1150 na ukarabati wa viwanja kadhaa vya ndege nchini."
Kamati teule ilishindwa kuelewa "kwa nini kamati ya wataalamu haikuihoji Richmond kuhusu uongo huo bayana ambao uliokuwa ushahidi wa kutosha kuipotezea sifa za kuwa mzabuni?"

WATANZANIA WANAPASWA KUMPOKEA RAIS BUSH KWA MABANGO

Watanzania wanapaswa kumpokea Rais Bush kwa mabango
Raphael Mgaya
HAKUNA shaka ukweli ni nguvu! Ni silaha dhidi ya uongo. Katika kila jamii, tangu kale, tabaka tawala huhodhi vyombo vya habari na njia zozote za kusambaza taarifa ili kulinda mfumo uliopo.
Mfumo wa kihafidhina, kandamizi na nyonyaji hutumia vyombo vya habari kueneza uongo na propaganda ili kudanganya umma na kudumaza harakati za kupambana na tabaka tawala.
Hadi tu umma utakapopata fursa ya kupata mawazo na taarifa sahihi, ndipo utakapogeuka na kuwa nguvu itakayoweza kuleta mapinduzi yatakayoung'oa mfumo uliopitwa na wakati na kandamizi uliopo madarakani!
Nimesoma taarifa kuhusu ujio wa Rais wa Marekani nchini Tanzania na nchi nyingine za Afrika. Nimesoma pia taarifa ya John Chiligati, Katibu wa Itikadi ya Uenezi wa CCM, ikidai kuwa "ziara hii tuitumie kuimarisha uhusiano wetu na Marekani, wananchi wajiandae katika ugeni huu mkubwa".
Chiligati ametoa pia takwimu ya misaada ya kifedha ambayo Marekani imeisaidia Tanzania, ambao ukiziangalia kwa juu juu, bila kuzingatia masuala mengine muhimu, Watanzania wengi bila shaka watadhani Marekani au Rais Bush ni msamaria mwema!
Taarifa ya CCM, inaonyesha namna ambavyo tabaka la mabwanyeye ndani ya nchi (national bourgeois class) linavyoshirikiana na mabwanyeye wa kimataifa (international bourgeoisie) katika kuendeleza unyonjaji wa umma na mali za nchi zilizonyuma kiuchumi kwa masilahi ya ubepari.
Lengo la taarifa ya CCM ni kuwapotosha Watanzania kutoka kwenye masuala nyeti yanayohusu ukombozi wao na badala yake wajishughulishe na namna ambayo watamfurahisha Bush ili awaongezee misaada!
Katika nchi nyingi anakotembelea Rais Bush, anakutana na upinzani mkali sana kutoka kwa wanachi, si watawala. Mwaka jana Bush alipotembelea Marekani ya Kusini, alikutana na upinzani wa kihistoria kutoka kwa wananchi wa Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil, n.k.
Wanachi wa Marekani ya Kusini walitumia fursa zao kumwabia Bush ukweli. Walimpokea kwa mabango wakisema 'komesha ubeberu wa Marekani', 'Komesha vita vya mafuta', 'funga jela ya Guantanamo' n.k.
Wakati Bush akipambana na upinzani mkali, Hugo Chavez, mwanamapinduzi, Rais wa Venezuela, alipokewa kwa shangwe za vigelegele na milio ya risasi na mamilioni wanachi kokote alikokwenda Amerika ya Kusini kama ishara ya kumuunga mkono katika harakati zake za kukomesha ubepari na ubeberu wa Marekani duniani.
Hakuna nchi inayoweza kuendelea kwa misaada duniani. Hata historia imeonyesha kuwa nchi zote zilizoendelea, zimeendelea kwa kutumia rasilimali zilizopo ndani ya nchi, ardhi, madini, maji, misitu n.k. kwa kutumia teknolojia, ujuzi na elimu iliyopo.
Hata Mwalimu Nyerere alituasa kuwa jamii haiwezi kuendelezwa, bali inaweza kujiendeleza yenyewe! Misaada ambayo Marekani inaipa Tanzania haina maana kabisa ikilinganishwa na taabu, adha na mateso ambayo Watanzania na watu wengi duniani wayapata kwa sababu ya dhuluma za ubeberu wa Marekani na washirika wake!
Kwa bahati mbaya, tofauti na sehemu nyingi duniani, Afrika tuko nyuma katika utashi wa kisiasa na hali halisi ya mambo duniani kutokana kwanza na watawala wetu na pili kutokana na historia yetu.
Ndiyo maana, wengi hawajui dhuluma ya Marekani duniani. Na kwa mantiki hiyo, taarifa ya CCM, inaweza ikawafanya Watanzania wengi kumpokea Bush kama mkombozi, na si vinginevyo! Ni kwa sababu hiyo hiyo, nina wasiwasi kuwa upinzani alioupata Bush sehemu nyingi duniani anaweza asiupate Afrika.
Mataifa mengi yanashindwa kuendelea kwa sababu ya mfumo wa kinyonyaji uliopo duniani. Marekani ndilo taifa linalohodhi mfumo huu na linatumia gharama kubwa kuhakikisha linaulinda.
Moja ya misingi ya mfumo huu ni biashara huria. Biashara huria ni moja ya sababu za kufukarishwa kwetu. Shirika la Biashara Duniani (World Trade Organisation-WTO) linaruhusu nchi tajiri kilinda masoko yake dhidi ya bidhaa rahisi kutoka nchi masikini ambazo nyingi ziko Afrika.
Kwa kufanya hivi nchi maskini hazipati masoko ya bidhaa zao za kilimo, nguo, n.k ambazo ndio msingi wa maendeleo. Kwa upande huo huo nchi maskini zinalazimishwa kufungua mipaka yako kuruhusu bidhaa kutoka nje, matokeo yake ni kuwa nchi masikini zimekuwa masoko ya nchi tajiri.
Hali kadhalika, nchi tajiri zinatoa ruzuku kwa wazalishaji wake na matokeo yake ni wazalishaji hawa kuzalisha bidhaa ambao zinauzwa bei ya chini katika soko la dunia huku bidhaa kutoka nchi masikini zikishindwa ushindani kwa kuwa bei yake ni kubwa kwa sababu ya gharama za uzalishaji.
Kwa maneno mengine hakuna haki katika biashara huria. Kwa mujibu wa taarifa ya UNCTAD - Tume ya Umoja wa Mataifa ya Biashara na Maendeleo - kama vikwazo hivi katika biashara vingeondolewa, nchi masikini zingeongeza kipato kwa dola la Marekani billioni 700 ambazo ni sawa na mara 13 ya misaada yote ya maendeleo duniani kwa mwaka!!
Kama unyonyaji huu ulioletwa na WTO ungekomeshwa, umasikini ungekuwa umepungua sana duniani, badala ya kuongezeka kama ilivyo leo.
Aidha, licha ya upinzani mkali duniani kote, Rais Bush aliivamia Iraq mwaka 2003 ili kudhibiti uzalishaji wa mafuta na Usambazji wa mafuta Iraq. Vita vya Iraq vimegharimu maisha ya watu takribani laki saba (700,000).
Hali ya Iraq si shwari, watu wengi wanaendelea kupoteza maisha, vita vimeacha yatima, wajane na walemavu kwa maelfu. Kudhilisha dunia ubabe wake, mshirika wake, Tony Blair (Waziri Mkuu mstaafu wa Uingereza, aliyemuunga mkono kuivamia Iraq) sasa ameteuliwa kuwa mshauri wa Benki ya J. P. Morgan, Benki ya Marekani ambayo imepewa jukumu la kuiendesha Benki Mpya ya Iraq!
Hapa inaonyesha jinsi tabaka tawala linavyoshirikiana na tabaka la kibepari katika kuendeleza masilahi ya ubepari na ubeberu wa Marekani.
Maovu ya Marekani ni mengi, si rahisi kuyaeleza yote katika ukurasa huu,. Shirika la Kijasusi la Marekani (CIA) ndiyo lililosababisha Nelson Mandela kutiwa mikononi mwa makaburu na hatimaye kuishi miaka 27 gerezani! Donald Richard aliyekuwa ofisa wa CIA Afrika ya Kusini, akijifanya ofisa balozi mjini Durban, akawataarifu polisi wa makaburu mahali ambako wengemkuta na kumkamata Mandela. Ikimbukwe pia kuwa, Bush (Mkubwa) alikuwa ndiye Afisa Mkuu wa CIA kipindi hicho!
Ni Marekani inayojitia kutoa misaada ya ukimwi ambayo iliongoza makakati wa mataifa ya Magharibi ya kuzuia ulegezaji wa masharti ya sheria ya hati miliki (Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights) ili kuziwezesha nchi masikini kuanzisha viwanda vya kutengeneza madawa ya kupunguza makali ya ukimwi.
Marekani kwa kushirikiana na Ubelgiji wanadaiwa kumuua Patrice Lumumba, Waziri Mkuu wa Kwanza wa Kongo sasa DRC na kumweka madarakani dikteta Mobutu Sseseko. Marekani ndio taifa lililo mstari wa mbele katika kuisaidia kwa moyo, kifedha na kwa kuipa silaha Israeli katika mpango wake wa kuwakandamiza Wapalestina.
Ni Marekani inayochafua mazingira kwa kiasi kikubwa duniani, taifa ambalo limekataa kuridhia itifaki ya Kyoto inayohusu kuzuia uchafuzi wa mazingira.
Licha ya maovu yote ya Marekani, bado watawala wetu wanazidi kujikomba kwa Marekani? Inakuwaje Kikwete mara baada ya kuchaguliwa kuwa rais, haraka haraka alikwenda kwa Bush, eti kujitambulisha? Inakuwaje baada ya kampeni baadhi ya wanasiasa wanakwenda kwa Bush na wanaporudi wanaeleza Bush amewasifu kuwa wamefanya kampeni vizuri?
Nalazimika kuamini kuwa watawala wetu wanamtazamo na uelewa finyu kuhusu hali halisi ya mambo duniani. Mwalimu Nyerere alikuwa mkali kwa kuwa alikuwa akijisoma sana, hivyo alipata kujua hali halisi ya mambo duniani. Watawala wetu leo nadhani hawasomi, kazi yao ni ziara za kuzunguka tu kama wanyapara.
Afrika ndilo bara pekee linalozidi kuwa masikini wakati mataifa mengine yanazidi kuendelea, tusipojihadhari tutaendelea kuwa nyuma milele.
Ni wakati wetu sasa wa kukasirika na kuamka na kusema sasa basi, tumechoka na watawala mamluki na manyapara. Na kwamba hatutaki kuendelea kunyonywa na mataifa ya kibepari. Inawezekana kuwa masikini na ukaheshimika.
Ningelikuwapo Tanzania wakati wa ujio wa Rais Bush ningeliandamana (hata peke yangu) kumpinga. Lakini, nadhani Watanzania wanapaswa kuniunga mkono, viongozi wa nyama vyote vya siasa pamoja ikiwamo CCM. Viongozi wa NGO hamasisheni wananchi wajitokeze kumpokea Bush kwa mabango ya kuwalilia yatima na wajane wa Iraq, kuwalilia wagonjwa na yatima wa ukimwi, kujililia wenyewe kwa sababu ya umasikini uliopandikizwa na Marekani na mataifa mengine ya kibepari na kupinga uchafuzi wa mazingira.
Watanzania, tumieni fursa hii kumweleza Bush kuwa misaada anayoipa Tanzania anarudisha sehemu ndogo tu ya kile anachotuibia sasa na kile ambacho mababa zetu wa kale waliochukuliwa kama watumwa walikizalisha!
Mwandishi wa makala hii ni mwanafunzi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Warwick, Uingereza.
Anapatikana kwa Barua pepe: b.t.mgaya@warwick.ac.uk

NALAZIMIKA KUKASIRIKA NA KUKASIRISHWA KWA RAIS

Kizimba cha hoja:Nalazimika kukasirishwa na 'kukasirika kwa Rais.'



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Na Hassan Abbas

NI wazi kuwa msomaji wangu makini hasa wale wanaofuatilia sana safu hii watashangaa kwa nini leo nakasirishwa na kukasirika kwa Rais? Mshangao huo utakuwa mkubwa zaidi kwa wale ambao walisoma makala yangu iliyokuwa na kichwa cha habari "Rais Kikwete:Haya ndiyo maslahi ya taifa." Katika makala hiyo nililidadavua sakata la mabilioni yaliyopotea Benki Kuu na kwenda mbali zaidi ya kumpongeza Rais kwa kuchukua uamuzi mzito, niligusia haja ya yeye kwenda mbali na kuhakikisha mabilioni hayo yanarejea kwa wananchi. Ni katika eneo hili la namna tulivyoanza mchakato wa kufikia lengo la kuwafikisha katika vyombo vya kisheria wahusika, ndipo leo imenilazimu kuuweka kizimbani muelekeo wa Rais na 'kamati' aliyoiunda inayoongozwa na Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali. Kwanza kabisa tuliambiwa, kama ambavyo kijitabia hiki kilivyoanza kushamiri, kwamba Rais alikasirishwa sana na 'madudu' katika ripoti ya BoT ambayo hata sasa haijawekwa bayana. Nikimnukuu Katibu Mkuu Kiongozi, Bw. Phillemon Luhanjo, alisema hivi katika 'kidesa' chake kinachofupisha yale uchunguzi wa Ernst And Young ulichokibaini: " Baada ya kupitia taarifa ya Mdhibiti na Mkaguzi Mkuu wa Serikali na Mkaguzi wa Nje, yaani, kampuni ya Ernst and Young. Mhe. Rais amesikitishwa na kukasirishwa na taarifa ya kuwepo vitendo vya ukiukwaji wa makusudi wa sheria, kanuni na taratibu za madeni ya nje vilivyofanywa katika taasisi muhimu na nyeti katika Benki Kuu." Kwa mujibu wa nukuu hiyo Rais, hakufurahishwa hata kidogo na wizi huo tena, kwa msisitizo, narejea neno 'wa makusudi' uliofanyika BoT.Lakini nukuu hiyo pia inaweka rekodi ya kuwa ya pili kwa wasaidizi waandamizi wa Rais kuuarifu umma hasira za kiongozi wetu. Nitaomba samahani kwa wasomaji wangu, kwamba leo katika kukasirishwa kwangu na kukasirika huko kwa Rais, nitakuwa mwanataaluma sana wakati fulani, lengo likiwa moja tu; kuhakikisha tunaeleweana vyema. Kwa ujumla nimestushwa na kasirika ya Rais jinsi inavyotafsiriwa kivitendo. Katika hilo la kamati ambayo ndiyo inatafsiri kivitendo kasirika ya Rais, kuna masuala mawili yanaonesha huenda tukaishia kwenye usanii na bilioni 133 zilizofujwa zikapotea kabisa au tukajikuta mwisho wa siku tumetumia bilioni 140 katika mchakato wa kutaka kuziokoa bilioni 133! Nasema hivi kwa nini? Mosi, muda ambao 'tume' hiyo imepewa; miezi sita unatia shaka! Pili mbinu zilizoanza kutumiwa na 'tume' hiyo; kuanza kukusanya maelezo ya wenye taarifa zozote kuhusu BoT nazo ni ngeni kabisa katika taaluma ya sayansi ya makosa ya jinai. Kwa nini natofautina sasa na Rais na watu hawa wa 'tume' hiyo. Hoja yangu ya kwanza ni kwamba kwanza ni hatari sana kumpa muda adui yako. Hili Rais Kikwete analifahamu kwa kuwa amesoma sayansi za kijeshi, mimi nilizigusa tu katika pitapita zangu za 'kukimbia umande.' Zaidi si tu kivita, bali katika hali halisi, kisheria ni jambo la hatari sana kama utampa mtuhumiwa nafasi ya kujua unakuja na kesi gani, una ushahidi gani, unautoa wapi na lini ndio utashtaki.Ndio maana kuna mamia ya watuhumiwa wanakataliwa dhamana kwa sababu tu akiwa mtaani anaweza kupata mwanya wa kuharibu ushahidi muhimu. Katika hili napata wasiwasi sana kama kuna nia ya dhati ya kufika kila Mtanzania anakotaka tufike katika hili, naanza kuhisi sanaa na usanii vitatawala katika suala hili. Mwanasheria Mkuu, Johnson Mwanyika, Inspekta Jenerali wa Polisi, Said Mwema na Mkurugenzi wa TAKUKURU, Dkt. Edward Hosea ni miongoni mwa wajumbe wa 'kamati' hiyo ambao pia wote kwa bahati nzuri ni wanataaluma wazuri wa sheria. Hao kwa taaluma zao, kama watauweka kando usanii, wanafahamu fika kuwa kesi ya BoT ni ya kihistoria katika taifa hili na ni kesi inayowahusisha watu wenye utaalamu katika maeneo walikotuhumiwa kuchota fedha na zaidi ni kesi ambayo hata hao watuhumiwa watataka waonekane wasafi mbele ya jamii; hawatakubali kufa kibudu. Ni kwa jinsi hii, nilidhani, na kwa hakika sheria zinaruhusu, kama inavyotokea kwa kesi nyingine za jinai, baada ya Rais kupatiwa ripoti kamili, wataalamu wake wa sheria wangeipitia na kuona kama kuna kesi ya msingi, kitaalamu wanaita prima fascie case. Kwa hakika kwa mujibu wa Luhanjo kama tulivyomnukuu hapo juu, katika suala la BoT kuna prima fascie case na ndio maana maneno kama 'kwa makusudi walikiuka sheria, kanuni na taratibu,' yametumika kwenye nukuu tuliyoiona hapo awali. Kwa mujibu wa utaalamu wangu mdogo wa sayansi za makosa ya jinai, kosa la jinai linapande kuu mbili ili likamilike; ile ya nia ovu (malice aforethought au malice prepence) na kitendo kamili cha kufanya jinai husika (actus reus). Bila kuingia ndani katika ripoti ya ukaguzi wa BoT, kwa ile karatasi tu yenye kurasa nane aliyoisambaza Bw. Luhanjo kwa wanahabari, ni dhahhiri kuwa makosa kamili ya jinai yametendeka BoT; kwanza ripoti imebaini 'kwa makusudi kanuni na sheria zilivunjwa.' Neno hili linaashiria kuwepo nia ovu. Na kwa kuwa ripoti imebaini kuwa sh. bilioni 133 zilifunjwa na imeyataja makampuni kadhaa yawe feki au ambayo yapo kihalalim lakini yalitumia 'njia za panya,' kupata fedha hizo tayari actus reus imetimia. Kosa kamili hapo la jinai limekamilika kutendeka. Kinachofuata kwa elimu yangu ya kabwela ni Je, kama kuna kosa la jinai limetendeka, ni lipi au ni yapi kwa kadiri ya ushahidi ambao Ernst And Young wameuambatanisha katika ripoti yao? Na swali lingine la msingi ni Je, akina nani wanahusika? Kulijibu hili nalo tunarudi pale pale kwenye nukuu ya Bw. Luhanjo, alipokiri kulikuwa na 'uvunjaji wa makusudi wa sheria.' Kama Ernst And Young walibaini uvunjaji wa makusudi, basi wanawajua au wamewataja wavunjaji hao wa makusudi. Na hata kama hawajatajwa, kitu ambacho siamini, basi kwa kupitia rejea ya nyaraka zilizoko, waliohusika kuzisaini au kuziidhinisha na watendaji wengine wote wanaohusika na mchakato wa uendeshaji wa akaunti ya EPA ni watu wa kwanza kisha wanafuatia wakurugenzi wote za zile kampuni zilizotajwa. Maswali hayo hapo juu ukimpa mtu aliyehitimu vyema darasa la Criminal Law la Profesa Ibrahim Juma, Criminal Procedure la Profesa Sifuni Mchome na Profesa Abdallah Saffari au darasa la Legal and Statutory Interpretation la Professor Issa Shivji, Administrative Law la Prof. Jwan Mwaikyusa au darasa adhimu la sheria za madhara (Torts) la Dkt. Asha-Rose Migiro, Dkt. Michael Wambari na Profesa Pallamagamba John Kabudi, kwa uchache tu, haiwezi kumchukua zaidi ya wiki kukakabidhi aina ya mashitaka yanayofaa kufunguliwa. Lakini pamoja na ushahidi mzito wa nyaraka ambao ni lazima umeambatanishwa kwenye ripoti (rejea dokezo kuwa baadhi ya risiti zilizowasilishwa na makampuni hayo BoT zilikuwa feki, kuonesha kuwa ripoti inaviambatanishi kama hivyo au vinaweza kupatikana, kama havijaambatanishwa). Na kama kuna viambatanishi vya nyaraka katika ripoti ya Ernst and Young basi tunataka ushahidi gani mzuri zaidi ya huo? Au tusema Tanzania imejivua kufuata sheria za kiingereza? Maana kama tunafuata mfumo wa sheria za kiingereza, kitaalamu mpaka sasa ushahidi bora zaidi duniani ni ule wa nyaraka yenyewe (Rejea shauri mashuhuri la Kiingereza la Omychund v Barker (1745) 1 Atk, 21, 49; 26 ER 15, 33, tazama falsafa ya Lord Harwicke katika hukumu hiyo). Inashangaza kuona kampuni yenye wataalamu imefanyakazi kitaalamu, halafu leo tunaanza kukwepa hoja na eti tunaalika wananchi wenye taarifa wazitoe. Zipi zaidi ya hizi za Ernst And Young? Ushauri wangu wa kitaalamu katika hili ni kwamba hakuna hoja wala haja ya kuuma maneno na kuwaachia wananchi zigo la 'mnyamwezi walibebe,'Hiyo ilikuwa kazi ya Ernst And Young ambayo kwa hakika wameitimiza vyema. Ni mwananchi gani ana uwezo, urahisi na fursa ya kujua taarifa za jikoni kama Benki Kuu zaidi ya vyombo vya Serikali yenyewe; wanausalama wa taifa, mafisadi wenyewe popote waliko na wafanyakazi wazalendo wa ndani ya BoT ambao tunajua walijitolea sana wakati wa uchunguzi wa kampuni ya Ernst and Young kueleza walichokijua? Huu 'uchunguzi' mwingine unaofanywa kwa kualika wananchi ambao tayari wana misongo mingine ya kimaisha, eti watoe taarifa, wakati kuna wataalamu tuliowaalika na kuwalipa mamilioni watufanyie kazi na wengine wapo nchini wanaendeleea kulipwa kila mwezi. Hii ni kuzidi kuibua maswali magumu juu ya kiwango cha kukasirika kwa Rais. Wakati watanzania wakitafakari kukasirika huko kwa Rais na watu kama sisi tukiamua kukasirikia kukasirika huko kwa Rais, wengi hawajasahau rejea ya msingi ambayo inapaswa kutosahaulika katika nchi hii na sisi tunaokumbuka ya nyuma katika kuangalia yaliyopo na kuakisi yajayo, hatujaisahau. Rais Kikwete alipopokea ripoti ya uchunguzi juu ya mauaji ya wafanyabiashara wa Mahenge, Morogoro (waliotuhumiwa kuwa majambazi), ndani ya saa 48 tu mtuhumiwa mkuu, Bw. Abdallah Zombe alikamatwa na wenzake (wakati uchunguzi ukiendelea). Mafisadi wa BoT nao, ili, kama nilivyogusia, wasipate nafasi ya kufanya ufisadi zaidi, hawakupaswa kupewa muda, wangechukuliwa hatua za haraka kama ilivyokuwa kwa akina Zombe, wakati uchunguzi unaendelea, hilo sheria inaruhusu. Lakini sasa miezi sita hii inaibua maswali magumu na kwa hakika watawala wetu wanalazimika kupanda kizimbani, kizimba cha hoja kujibu: Miezi sita yote hii ya nini? Kwa maoni, ushauri: simu 0713 584467

~ Lay Down Beside Me ~

~ Lay Down Beside Me ~

CONGRATULATIONS NEW STATE ATTORNEYS

I woulf like to take this opportunity to congratulate our dear alumni for being appointed to the very high posts of the legal system in our country thus state attorneys. We hope you guys you will do what u can to dispense justice amid the biggest problems we have now. Your carrier will reflect what the former Dean always said to us when urged about our legal training that. Law is not about getting certificate is more than that. Well, Mr.Chuwa, and others herein Ambokile,Sylvester Anthony, Khalili, Mwakang'ata,Crecencia, Jane Thereza, Revina, Kimaro, Karim, Ema Gachocha, Malipula, Castuce, Bibiana,Njau Epafras, Emilia, Mukabatunzi, Yamiko and Mwanahawa. Please we expect more from you, but dont go away from alumni, keep us posted as our dear magistrates do, let us cooperate in this network. It is an impreesssion on my part to here one of our colleagues handling such high profile. I believe in few years to come we will get some MPs and Ministers if not President.

Keep it up

Regards

Administrator

source: Daily News 24th Jan,2008

BOT SAGA UNFOLDING:MEGHJI SAYS I WAS DUPPED BY BALALI

BoT Saga Unfolding: Meghji says I was duped by governor Ballali
Meghji: I was duped by governor Ballali-Minister comes clean on Kagoda Agriculture Limited payments saga THISDAY REPORTER Dar es Salaam THE Minister for Finance, Ms Zakia Meghji, yesterday disclosed for the first time how the disgraced former governor of the Bank of Tanzania, Dr Daudi Ballali, lied to her about illegal payments amounting to nearly $30.8m (approx. 40bn/-) made by the central bank to the controversial Kagoda Agriculture Limited company. Speaking exclusively to THISDAY in her office in Dar es Salaam, Ms Meghji explained how Ballali deliberately misled her into defending the fraudulent payments on the pretext that the funds disbursed in 2006 were meant for ’sensitive’ issues of national security. She revealed that Ballali told her the payments had been authorized to ’’finance sensitive government expenditure.’’ Ms Meghji said after deliberately giving her false advice on the matter, the BoT governor then personally drafted a letter - which she proceeded to sign - stating that the payments to Kagoda had purportedly been authorized by the government. This letter was delivered to the then BoT external auditors, Delloite & Touche of South Africa, on September 15, 2006. It effectively brought to a close serious audit queries being raised at the time by Delloite & Touche, after stumbling upon the fraudulent payments to the Kagoda company during a routine audit of payments made from the BoT’s external payment arrears account during 2005/06. Said Ms Meghji: ’’I agreed to sign the letter, drafted by the governor himself, because I trusted the governor at that time. It was only later that I realized the payments to Kagoda Agriculture Limited were not related to any government expenditure.’’ She said she only realized she had been duped by the governor after the Permanent Secretary in the Finance Ministry, Gray Mgonja, informed her that Ballali had actually lied to her about the true nature of the payments to the Kagoda company. The minister told THISDAY that just four days after sending the first letter to Delloite & Touche, she found herself in a position of having to retract it. ’’It was at this point, on September 19, 2006, that I wrote another letter to the auditors, this time retracting the first letter in which I had erroneously defended the payments to Kagoda,’’ she said. Ms Meghji gave THISDAY a copy of the retraction letter to the auditors. The minister said a month after this exchange of correspondence Deloitte & Touche submitted its BoT audit report to the government, highlighting apparently massive embezzlement of funds in the sensitive financial institution. ’’It was then (late 2006) that the Controller and Auditor General was directed to hire an international audit company to conduct a ’special audit’ of the central bank’s external payment arrears account,’’ she explained. On why she had taken so long to reveal the existence of the two letters, Ms Meghji said she delayed taking any action until the latest ’special audit’ by Ernst & Young was concluded. The minister said she fully cooperated with Ernst & Young during the ’special audit’, even giving them copies of both letters. The latest twist of events comes hardly a week after President Jakaya Kikwete formally sacked Ballali from the governorship in the wake of the ’special audit’ report’s findings.

KENYAN ELECTION LEGAL ANALYSIS

Legal Analysis - The Announcement of the 2007 General “Election Results”, the Declaration and Swearing in of Kibaki as President was Illegal…
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1. With the “Election Results” having polarised the country into political, ethnic enclaves and thereby resulting in human rights violations, deaths, displacement, wanton damage to property it is therefore clear that in law individuals and institutions have to be held criminally responsible

2. It is our observation that from the very beginning before and during the election, the conduct of the ECK gave the impression that illegal things were being perpetrated, and in the words of Kivuitu, the Chairman of ECK, the figures were being “cooked”, that would eventually resulted into the illegality we are explaining below. The onset of that illegality lies in a concatenation of events, which portrayed persons bent on committing a crime:

(a). The President defied the 1997 IPPG agreement in the appointment of ECK commissioners; this was clearly intentional to allow President Kibaki to appoint people known to him and people who would have a known bias that would favour him during the 2007 election. This is contrary to the legal provisions and the requirement by law that elections be free, fair and transparent.

(b). ECK has come out in the open to admit that there were irregularities. This means that the Presidential “election results” were not legal

(c). It is admitted that the 2007 is a contested election and opinion polls suggested a close election to call for which utmost caution and care would have been exercised by the ECK especially in adhrerence to the law

(d). The conduct of ECK, its officials was suspect for the reason, among others, that
(i) ECK refused to accept technological assistance that could have averted the current situation
(ii) ECK refused to use its own staff and ECK officials contrary to tradition and in compliance with its own legal framework

3. Several laws, especially electoral laws, were flouted right from the Constitution of Kenya, the National Assembly and Presidential Elections Act (cap.7), the Election Offences Act (cap.66) as well as International and Regional laws/treaties that Kenya has signed and accepted as law as well as common practice and societal expectation

4. The manner in which the election was conducted raises several questions whose answer is a resounding NO in all cases. These questions emphasize the illegality that is now the “Election results” and the swearing in of Kibaki as President of the Republic of Kenya. These questions, among others, are:
4.1. Whether the process and procedures of electioneering were followed to the letter?
4.2. Whether the announcement of the Presidential results was within the law?
4.3. Whether the announcement was valid or did it validate the otherwise contested results?
4.4. Whether there were identified discrepancies?
4.5. Whether the discrepancies affected or had a likelihood of affecting the outcome of the election/results?
4.6. Was the election Free, Fair and Transparent?
4.7. Who are the officers who doctored the results?

5. It has now emerged as there has been many revelations that known individuals who are staff and ECK officials doctored the results by making deceitful alterations. By doing so they refused to comply with the legal requirements; it is also now known that The Chairman of the ECK, Mr. Samuel Kivuitu and other commissioners were blatantly friendly to the regime or other candidates. This therefore means that they could not have been fair and transparent. This is an aspect that makes the results illegal and the outcome of it.

6. The Law allows that before the final results are announced, any aggrieved party must be granted the opportunity to lodge a complaint. The the ODM team did exactly that, it was wrong for the ECK Chairman to deny them the right to be heard and to investigate

7. The ECK acknowledged that there were irregularities in kamukunji, Maragua, Kajiado North, and Kilgoris hence the action it took such as to order repeat and recount: it is therfore clear that ECK was exercising selective compassion and favourism in the conduct of election. This on its own was illegal and would have affected the final pronouncement of the results as void

8. The Announcement of the “Election Results” clearly contravened the following laws:
8.1. The International Laws
Kenya is signatory to many human rights laws with elaborate provisions on elections, voting, democracy and the choice of government as a right to Kenyans. These laws include the following: Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides that everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives and further that it is the will of the people that shall be the basis of the authority of government. This will, as the UDHR provides, shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret or equivalent free voting procedures. In the context of Kenya’s 2007 Election result, this international law was breached by the ECK and by Kibaki in attempting to form a government that does not reflect the will of the people.

Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognizes & protects the right of every citizen to take part in the conduct of public affairs, to vote and to be elected… and it requires states to adopt such legislative & other measures as may be necessary to ensure that citizens have an effective opportunity to enjoy rights it protects; and further that democratic government should be based on the consent of the people. With the contested re-election of Kibaki with almost three-quarters of the country, he clearly does not have the consent of the people and cannot therefore enjoy legitimacy.

8.2. Regional documents/Institutions
The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights protect the right to vote as a human right and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) in articles 2 (1)(2)(3)(4)(13) and article 3(1)(3)(4) provide for the choice of government by the people.

8.3. ECK flouted National laws in announcing the “Election Results”
8.3.1. The constitution of Kenya:
Section 7 requires that a Presidential candidate has to win an election first and it is upon establishing the winner then that the delcaration of the results would be made; this would then be followed by announcement of the winner and thereafter the swearing in as per tradition follows. In the absence of establishing a winner in the first instance, there cannot be an announcement, declaration and swearing in. To do that was be to perpetrate an illegality and fraud. The declaration of Kibaki therefore as President is a nullity ab initio. This therefore means that under the legal framework set out in the National Assembly and Parlaimentary Act, the ECK is yet to establish a winner to be delcared as such and to be sworn in according to law. Anything else remains unconstitutional and outside the law.

Section 42A of the Constituton gives ECK the monopoly of registering voters & maintaining the voters register; directing and supervising civic, Parliamentary and Presidential elections. The supervision and directing of elections therefore means that ECK will comply with its mandate, which is to deliver free, fair and transparent election results; the constitution therefore holds ECK accountable for the outcome and gives it the power to be the only institution that can announce election results. In fact, this mandate is clearly spelt out in section 43 of the Constitution.

8.3.2. The National Assembly & Presidential Elections Act, cap.7
Chapter 7 is the legal framework on how the ECK operates and supervises as well as directs the election in Kenya and carry out its constitutional mandate as set out in ss.7, 42A & 43. it is also the legal framework that contains subsidiary legislation and rules on how the ECK should operate. Simply, put, the National Assembly and Presidentail Elections Act sets out the ECK mandate as being to meet the standard of free, fair and transparent elections. This mandate of the ECK is to undertake several activities, functions and to exercise certain powers to ensure free, fair and transparent elections. At any time in pursuit of that mandate, ECK is to act within the law, and if it does acts outside the law, the results to be announced would be null and void and therefore illegal. The following, inter alia, are the functions of the ECK

(i) Appointment of Returning/Deputies officers for every constituency
Both the RO/DPO are people of integrity who are appointed to conduct elections strictly as provided by election laws and expected to abide by the code of conduct set out in s.3B of the Act; They are completely barred from manipulating the process; the law prohibits the employment of any one who has known bias towards particular candidates. It is at this point that an important question arises whether the appointment of the ECK commissioners by the President single handedly and in blatant disregard to IPPG as an interested party in the elections was right. Their appointment in the year the election was going to be held and at a time that is very close to the election itself raised and now continues to confirm suspicions among the electorate and the other candidates. It is at this point that the will of the people begins to ebb away from the government and President Kibaki. Furthermore, it is now clear that some of the commissioners are themselves closer to the President. At least the 16[o1] ECK commissioners appointed by Kibaki during his tenure in defiance of the IPPG agreement are all known and it can therefore be deduced that they must have had a bias in the outcome of the election results.

(ii) In every polling station...
It is the law that in every polling station that free access at all times be allowed to the candidates in person, their agents, police officers on duty, people assisting the physically challenged, accredited observers and the media. At no time whatsoever are the said group of people to be barred from monitoring the entire process in the polling and tallying centres. This is a freedom that is without any qualification to ensure that the process is not only free fair and transparent but it must also be seen to be so.

(iii) After counting...
The PO shall make 3 seperate packets to put (a) counted votes & not disputed; (b) disputed votes, and (c) rejected votes. The foregoing is to be accompanied by a statement to that effected; and the agents present are allowed to add their own seals to the packets; the agents, observers & media are allowed to make copies of the statement, after which the packets and statements are then taken to the constituency RO for tallying

(iv) What RO must do...[E2]
The RO must fill out and sign Forms 16, 16A & 17, which are then countersigned by the candidates’ agents, and then the Forms are physically delivered to ECK HQs

(v) Before announcing the results...
The law requires that before ECK announces any results, the ECK must have in its possession the original copies of Forms 16, 16A & 17A & 40R. These are statutory forms setting out the summary of (a) total votes cast, (b) sets out valid votes or disputed or rejected, and (c) are signed by Constituency RO and countersigned by agents of all candidates. The forms are the principal Documents without which ECK does not have the mandate to announce any Presidential or Parliamentary results

(vi) On receiving the forms & before announcing the results...
An aggrieved party is given 24 hours to lodge a complaint for and demand recount and re-tallying. The law gives ECK the power to order the recount and tallying within 48 hours. Therefore, ECK (and Kivuitu in particular) openly and blatantly lied when it said it did not have power to wait for the Statutory Forms 16, 16A & 17A

(vii) On the forms...
If upon receipt of the forms there are discrepancies, ECK would order recount and retallying. Those mandatory provisions are set out in Rule 40 (1) (g) (ii), and (6) respectively. This is the law Kivuitu failed to follow. Hence Kivuitu was and still is deceitful to the Kenya public; further he abused his office.

(viii) After recount & re-tallying...
It is therefore after re-count and re-tallying upon a request and or complaint by an interested party to an election that the ECK will then announce the results; thereafter the ECK can then gazette those results. Before gazetting results, ECK must confirm that it has received all 3 statutory forms and also that they are original, signed and countersigned and are valid in all material aspects. It is our considered view that the ECK had and still has the above window of opportunity to correct mistakes made and save our country from turmoil and save the democratic process, which is a right of all Kenyans. There is no excuse that Kivuitu in announcing the results did not know what he was doing and it is for this reason that he becomes criminally culpable for which he must be prosecuted.

Next Steps: Legal strategies
The Law as indicated above was not followed in announcing the Election results. Kibaki is therefore in office illegally and it should be taken as if he is continuing his 2002 Mandate and not serving his second term as President of the Republic of Kenya. In as far as the ECK is concerned, they are in breach of the specific provisons of the law, the code of conduct for members and staff of the electoral commission (s. 3B & Second Schedule) as well as its subsidiary legislation. We therefore propose the following legal strategies:

1. Criminal & Private prosecutions
Many people who include Kivuitu, ECK Commissioners, RO, etc, must be criminally charged and prosecuted for committing offences known to law under the Election offences Act, The Penal Code, Public Officers Ethics Act, etc. The offences committed include: forgery of documents, alternation, abuse of office, conspiracy to commit a felony, subversion of legal process, breach of the Electoral Code of Conduct (s.34), for example, under rule 6
It is crucial that a complainant or complainants must come out to report the anomalies they witnessed at the Pollling stations, Constituency RO level and at the HQs talling centers; these could be independent obsevers, members of the KEDOF, agents, etc.,

2. Judicial Review
This could be brought against Kivuitu and the ECK in exercising their administrative role to announce the results; his decision was a maladministration that has caused an injustice to Kenyans; it is also illegal and made in disregard of the rules of natural justice.[o3]

3. Public Interest Litigation
This could take the form of a constitutional petition or reference to seek decalration based on the anomalies between the constitution and the legal framework of the ECK; to seek declaration that human rights have been violated by actions of the ECK, etc.,

4. The KNCHR Tribubal
The KNCHR should be able to inquire into the human rights violations that have occured to far with a view to holding individuals accountable.

The above strategies can be initiated immediately and simultenously






[o1]We need to confirm this figure.

[E2]Include here the five scenarios that Sihanya observed at the HQs tallying centres

[o3]There is a decision of Kipkalias Kones and Kimani wanyoike vs ECK that has set out that an election dispute cannot be brought to the court through a JR but it MUST be thro’ an electral pettion. We need to get this case.